Crying Hands Chapter One continued...
banner But in August of 1933, Hild also shifted course to the Nazis. The same man who one year earlier had leveled sharp criticism at the contempt for humanity behind the Nazi sterilization law now congratulated the Nazis on their rise to power, on "the great awakening of the German nation," which would also assign new responsibilities to teachers of deaf pupils in the national state.

Chapter 2 of Hild's 1933 essay laid out what the National Socialists might expect of deaf education, stating that "even the schools for the deaf have to train their pupils as Germans." He cited Minister of the Interior Frick's contention that the general task of education was "to form the political person, who in every thought and deed had his roots in the people whom he served, for whom he sacrificed , and who was linked in his heart to the history and destiny of his nation."

Hild explained his sudden ideological about-face in his chapter "Race Cultivation." He accorded it "particular attention in the new state." He wrote that hereditary deafness did not make "our charges inferior," yet he believed that because of deaf people's "biological inferiority . . . a legal distinction . . . of a mere 5 percent of all deaf" would be justifiable. The racial hygienists, once Hild's opponents, had become his "friends of compulsory sterilization."

Schumann also made a public display of his integrity and loyalty toward the Nazi regime. He familiarized his readers with the Law for the Prevention of Offspring with Hereditary Diseases and expressed his confidence that "German teachers of the deaf approve of the law with inner conviction," since their responsibilities would be enhanced under it. Teachers of deaf pupils would profit by the new law: "The compulsory implementation of the law would, and must necessarily, advance our knowledge of deafness." In his own reflections on the advancement of knowledge in this sphere, he developed concepts that a future program of race cultivation would promote—concepts to the disadvantage of deaf people and their education. Among these notions, "genealogy, . . . the administration of genetic questionnaires, and the creation of a card catalog of all the hereditarily deaf in every district and province were requirements that both supported arguments that deaf people who wished to marry each other should be sterilized and concurred with Weinert's demands. Two quotations illustrate Schumann's opportunism and invite the conclusion that his efforts strengthened the fascist racial fanatics in deaf education.

Early in 1933, Schumann was still engaged in "the right to life of the deaf" and warned of the intention to divest deaf persons of "the right to pass on their life to the future."Seven years later, however, in his account of the "History of the Deaf from the German Perspective," he fully adopted fascist terminology and thereby established himself as a Nazi race ideologue:

But neither training nor welfare [of deaf persons] should be promoted to the detriment of the people as a whole, in that they might create the possibility of founding families and thus through heredity transmit the affliction, thereby contributing to the degeneration of the race. The educational and extra-educational care for the deaf will be acceptable to the people only in conjunction with eugenic and race-hygienic measures, as stipulated in the Law for the Prevention of Offspring with Hereditary Diseases of July 14, 1933.
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